
5
A Comparison of Alternative Programs for Climate Policies
Introduction
In the global climate change policy debate, carbon
pricing is considered by many economists to be
a key instrument for achieving carbon emissions
reductions. The traditional solution of computing a
Pigouvian taxation based on the criterion of adding
marginal social damage to the marginal private cost
has not proved to be viable, despite a long history
of international political dialogue since the signing of
the Kyoto Protocol. Moreover, the general outcome
of these meetings has been a bitter confrontation
between developed and emerging economies as to
a fair economic allocation of the burden associated
with carbon emissions reduction.
This unfortunate state of affairs has two important
consequences for climate policy. First, in many
cases different countries’ preferences as regards
cost allocation oppose each other. Second, the
societal benet of climate change policy constitutes
a worldwide positive externality and thus could
involve a sizable policy-induced market distortion.
For these reasons, the carbon price has to be
different from the private marginal costs, pointing
to the need for a second-best solution. A Ramsey
(1927) price scheme, which minimizes the
deadweight losses – the added burdens placed on
consumers and suppliers when supply and demand
are out of equilibrium – associated with given market
inefciencies, is a possible theoretical solution to the
problem of quantifying the real costs of not tackling
climate change.
Surprisingly, the vast literature on carbon pricing
has not explored this analytical tool as a mechanism
for sharing the economic burden of climate policy.
The approach used so far involves designing the
individual country commitments in proportion to
emissions or gross domestic product (GDP), valued
at a common marginal price. In some economic
circles, this could be considered as a proxy trade
barrier. The main shortcoming of this is that it
creates a burden for newly industrialized countries
that produce goods which are ultimately consumed
by advanced economies. In other words, energy-
intensive manufacturing countries risk being
penalized for the carbon content of the nal goods
consumed by higher-income economies. There are
relevant differences across major economies, as
shown by the energy embodied in the trade between
major world economies (Table 1), computed after the
major global recession, based on input-ouput data in
2009 (Gasim 2015). Many emerging countries show
positive values, while most industrial countries have
decentralized energy-intensive, and hence carbon-
intensive, production sectors.
This paper examines the potential for an
economically optimal taxation policy to nance
investments in carbon emissions reduction, based on
households’ preferences, as expressed through their
energy demand behavior. This is a more complex,
yet more accurate, way to quantify the ‘polluters
pay’ principle. Households are the nal consumers
of goods and services and consumption. Goods
incorporate energy used in the production process,
whether they are produced domestically or imported.
In addition, households are the ultimate owners of
the corporate sector and the nal beneciaries of
government expenditures. Accordingly, allocating
a tax burden based on household consumption is
a more precise way to account for all the energy
incorporated into a society’s economic activity. There
are two caveats, however. First, ideally it would be
optimal to include the indirect use of energy that
is involved in the production of other goods and
services consumed. Second, if local policies distort
energy prices, the estimated price elasticities may
suffer from these distortions. These issues are
outside the scope of the present work.
We assume that heterogeneous consumers value
the marginal damage resulting from greenhouse
gas emissions differently, due to differences in
interest, perception, income and values across